IA · Senate 2026 · Updated Oct 28, 2026, 2:01 a.m. ET
Iowa
Rated Toss-up
Ashley Hinson wins this seat in 52 in 100 simulations. Call it a true toss-up.
Ashley HinsonR52 in 100- Josh TurekD48 in 100
The race
What this race is about
The numbers on this page come from the model. This section doesn't. It's a short briefing on the contest itself: who is running, what they are arguing about, and where each side's strength lies.
The matchup
An open seat: Joni Ernst announced in September 2025 that she would not seek a third term. Rep. Ashley Hinson, a former TV anchor long seen as the heir apparent, entered within hours and won the June primary with 74 percent and Trump's endorsement. Democrats chose Josh Turek, a Council Bluffs state legislator and two-time Paralympic gold medalist in wheelchair basketball who won his first race by six votes. A Libertarian, Thomas Laehn, is also on the ballot.
The issues
Medicaid is the sharpest edge. Hinson voted for the 2025 budget law, and Turek says it threatens coverage for about 110,000 Iowans; she points to new rural health money. Iowa's fast-rising cancer rates have become an unusually big state issue, with both candidates releasing plans in late August. The Summit carbon pipeline and eminent domain cut against Hinson with rural voters, since a pipeline-linked megadonor backs her.
Who has the edge, and where
The public polling is essentially tied, with Hinson up 3 in one August survey and Turek slightly ahead in another. The structure still favors her: Iowa has not elected a Democratic senator since Tom Harkin, and Trump carried it comfortably three times. Cook moved the race to Toss-up on August 20. Turek's western-Iowa, blue-collar profile is the Democrats' bet against that history.
The environment
This is the classic sleeper race of a Democratic-leaning cycle. Open seats are easier to flip than incumbents are to beat, and rural discontent over tariffs and farm prices is part of the backdrop. If the national wind holds, Iowa is the kind of state where it shows late.
Written by hand, not by the model. As of August 27, 2026.
Over time
How the forecast has moved
The margin
How close it lands
Each simulation produces a final margin. The curve shows where those margins fall; the tinted areas on either side of even are the futures each party wins.
Under the hood
What's driving the number
The forecast blends a weighted poll average with a fundamentals model: the state's partisan lean, incumbency, the national environment, and fundraising. Positive points favor the Democratic side of the margin; negative favor the Republican side.
- Partisan leanR +12.0
- IncumbencyEven
- National environmentD +4.7
- FundraisingD +0.4
- Fundamentals sayR +7.0
- The polls sayD +0.3
- Blended forecast marginR +0.5
The blend puts 89 percent of its weight on the polls and 11 percent on the fundamentals; polls take over as more arrive and election day nears.
The field
How other forecasters see this race
Ours isn't the only model on this race. Where another forecaster publishes a number — or we've copied one in by hand from a paywalled model — it appears here beside ours, dated, because models update on their own schedules. Forecasts disagree for knowable reasons: different poll filters, different weights on the fundamentals, different priors.
- Ashley Hinson winsThis forecast52 in 100
- Ashley Hinson winsRametta & Hare · as of Oct 2754 in 100
No model is "right" before the votes are counted. How our number is made — and how it scored against 2012–2024 races — is on the methodology page.
The markets
What the betting markets say
Prediction markets put a price on this seat too: what people are paying for a contract that pays out if Ashley Hinson wins, read as an implied probability. Shown for comparison only. This is not betting advice, and market prices never feed the model.
- Ashley Hinson winsThis forecast52 in 100
- Ashley Hinson winsKalshi56 in 100
- Ashley Hinson winsPolymarket56 in 100
Market prices as of Oct 28, 2026, 2:00 a.m. ET
The evidence
The polls, as the model sees them
Every public poll of this race, with the weight the model gave it in the latest run. Weights reward recency, sample size, and pollster track record; the house adjustment corrects each pollster's habitual lean before averaging.
| Poll | Dates | Sample | D–R | Margin | House adj. | Weight |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Echelon Insights (R) | Oct 16–23 | 403 LV | 45–43 | D +2.0 | +0.9 | 11% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Oct 21–22 | 1,200 LV | 45–47 | R +2.0 | −0.4 | 17% |
| co/efficient (R) | Oct 15–19 | 863 LV | 46–49 | R +3.0 | −1.0 | 6% |
| Trafalgar Group (R) | Oct 13–15 | 1,094 LV | 44–46 | R +2.0 | −1.7 | 4% |
| GS Strategy Group (R)/ New River Strategies (D) | Oct 9–13 | 602 LV | 46–44 | D +2.0 | +0.2 | 4% |
| NPA Polling | Oct 8–12 | 678 LV | 47–48 | R +1.0 | −0.1 | 4% |
| YouGov | Oct 6–12 | 2,245 LV | 47–46 | D +1.0 | +1.5 | 14% |
| Marist University | Oct 8–11 | 1,100 RV | 51–44 | D +7.0 | +0.9 | 5% |
| Marist University | Oct 8–11 | — | 48–45 | D +3.0 | +0.9 | 1% |
| Emerson College | Oct 5–6 | 650 LV | 45–47 | R +2.0 | +0.9 | 6% |
| SSRS | Sep 29–Oct 5 | 801 LV | 43–45 | R +2.0 | +0.4 | 4% |
| Suffolk University | Oct 1–4 | 500 LV | 48–44 | D +4.0 | +1.5 | 4% |
| New York Times / Siena University | Sep 22–Oct 1 | 606 LV | 47–48 | R +1.0 | — | 2% |
| Rasmussen Reports (R) | Sep 28–30 | 1,048 LV | 47–43 | D +4.0 | −0.6 | 3% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Sep 28–29 | 738 LV | 49–51 | R +2.0 | −0.4 | 2% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Sep 24–28 | 1,204 RV | 50–46 | D +4.0 | +1.1 | 4% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Sep 24–28 | 1,008 LV | 49–47 | D +2.0 | +1.1 | 2% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Sep 22–23 | 1,200 LV | 47–46 | D +1.0 | −0.4 | 1% |
| Marist University | Sep 17–20 | 1,050 RV | 50–42 | D +8.0 | +0.9 | <1% |
| Marist College | Sep 17–20 | 1,050 RV | 50–42 | D +8.0 | +1.2 | 2% |
| Trafalgar Group (R) | Sep 16–18 | 1,089 LV | 42–44 | R +2.0 | −1.7 | <1% |
| co/efficient (R) | Sep 14–16 | 831 LV | 43–48 | R +5.0 | −1.0 | <1% |
| Cygnal (R) | Sep 9–11 | 500 LV | 43–43 | Even | +1.5 | <1% |
| Rasmussen Reports (R) | Sep 8–10 | 1,031 LV | 45–40 | D +5.0 | −0.6 | <1% |
| YouGov | Sep 3–8 | 2,041 LV | 47–43 | D +4.0 | +1.5 | <1% |
| YouGov | Sep 3–8 | 2,169 RV | 44–43 | D +1.0 | +1.5 | <1% |
| Emerson College | Aug 31–Sep 1 | 750 LV | 45–50 | R +5.0 | +0.9 | <1% |
| Global Strategy Group (D) | Aug 27–31 | 800 LV | 46–42 | D +4.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Abacus Data (R) | Aug 29 | 2,500 LV | 54–45 | D +9.0 | — | <1% |
| Wedgewood Polls | Aug 27–29 | 600 LV | 48–50 | R +2.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | 500 RV | 52–46 | D +6.0 | — | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | 323 LV | 54–45 | D +9.0 | — | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | — | 54–45 | D +9.0 | — | <1% |
| Suffolk University | Aug 20–23 | 500 LV | 41–45 | R +4.0 | +1.5 | <1% |
| Emerson College | Aug 2–4 | 712 LV | 45–48 | R +3.0 | +0.9 | <1% |
| New York Times / Siena University | Jun 15–27 | 600 LV | 46–48 | R +2.0 | — | <1% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Jun 23–27 | 1,003 RV | 50–46 | D +4.0 | +1.1 | <1% |
| Cygnal (R) | Jun 16–19 | 600 LV | 44–46 | R +2.0 | +1.5 | <1% |
| Global Strategy Group (D) | Jun 8–11 | 1,000 LV | 47–45 | D +2.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Public Policy Polling (D) | Jun 3–4 | 557 RV | 46–46 | Even | +0.2 | <1% |
| Echelon Insights (R) | Apr 3–9 | 377 LV | 46–45 | D +1.0 | +0.9 | <1% |
| GQR (D) | Mar 10–16 | 1,200 LV | 43–47 | R +4.0 | −0.3 | <1% |
| Change Research (D) | Jan 8–11 | 1,108 LV | 41–44 | R +3.0 | +0.4 | 0% |
How the weights, the blend, and the simulation work is spelled out on the methodology page.