MI · Senate 2026 · Updated Oct 28, 2026, 2:01 a.m. ET
Michigan
Rated Lean D
Abdul El-Sayed wins this seat in 70 in 100 simulations. Call it favored, but far from certain.
Abdul El-SayedD70 in 100
Mike RogersR30 in 100
The race
What this race is about
The numbers on this page come from the model. This section doesn't. It's a short briefing on the contest itself: who is running, what they are arguing about, and where each side's strength lies.
The matchup
An open seat with Gary Peters retiring. Abdul El-Sayed, the progressive former Detroit health director, edged Rep. Haley Stevens by about one point in the August 4 primary despite being outspent roughly eight to one, after Mallory McMorrow suspended her campaign in July. Mike Rogers, the former House Intelligence chair who lost to Elissa Slotkin by about 19,000 votes in 2024, ran essentially unopposed with Trump's endorsement.
The issues
Health care defines the race. El-Sayed wrote a book called Medicare for All, and Republicans run on the taxes it would take, while his current plan keeps private insurance alongside a public option. Affordability and Trump himself fill out the argument: Rogers runs as a stand-with-Trump candidate. The war in Gaza is a live undercurrent, with AIPAC working against El-Sayed. Rogers is openly courting Democrats who backed Stevens in the divisive primary.
Who has the edge, and where
The polling is genuinely scattered. August surveys ranged from El-Sayed up 7 to Rogers up 4, with older voters breaking hard for Rogers. Outside money favors Rogers, with over $50 million committed by the main Republican super PAC. El-Sayed's answer is small-dollar energy and an enthusiasm edge among the most engaged voters. The open question is whether he holds the suburbs Stevens ran best in while driving up Detroit, Arab American, and young turnout.
The environment
Trump carried Michigan in 2024, and a normal midterm backlash would swing it back. The Republican bet is that El-Sayed can be defined as too far left for a purple state. The Democratic bet is that the year matters more than the label.
Written by hand, not by the model. As of August 27, 2026.
Over time
How the forecast has moved
The margin
How close it lands
Each simulation produces a final margin. The curve shows where those margins fall; the tinted areas on either side of even are the futures each party wins.
Under the hood
What's driving the number
The forecast blends a weighted poll average with a fundamentals model: the state's partisan lean, incumbency, the national environment, and fundraising. Positive points favor the Democratic side of the margin; negative favor the Republican side.
- Partisan leanR +0.4
- IncumbencyEven
- National environmentD +4.7
- FundraisingR +0.3
- Fundamentals sayD +4.0
- The polls sayD +3.5
- Blended forecast marginD +3.5
The blend puts 90 percent of its weight on the polls and 10 percent on the fundamentals; polls take over as more arrive and election day nears.
The field
How other forecasters see this race
Ours isn't the only model on this race. Where another forecaster publishes a number — or we've copied one in by hand from a paywalled model — it appears here beside ours, dated, because models update on their own schedules. Forecasts disagree for knowable reasons: different poll filters, different weights on the fundamentals, different priors.
- Abdul El-Sayed winsThis forecast70 in 100
- Abdul El-Sayed winsRametta & Hare · as of Oct 2772 in 100
No model is "right" before the votes are counted. How our number is made — and how it scored against 2012–2024 races — is on the methodology page.
The markets
What the betting markets say
Prediction markets put a price on this seat too: what people are paying for a contract that pays out if Abdul El-Sayed wins, read as an implied probability. Shown for comparison only. This is not betting advice, and market prices never feed the model.
- Abdul El-Sayed winsThis forecast70 in 100
- Abdul El-Sayed winsKalshi69 in 100
- Abdul El-Sayed winsPolymarket70 in 100
Market prices as of Oct 28, 2026, 2:00 a.m. ET
The evidence
The polls, as the model sees them
Every public poll of this race, with the weight the model gave it in the latest run. Weights reward recency, sample size, and pollster track record; the house adjustment corrects each pollster's habitual lean before averaging.
| Poll | Dates | Sample | D–R | Margin | House adj. | Weight |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| RedBox Research (D) | Oct 20–23 | 2,696 LV | 49–44 | D +5.0 | −0.1 | 17% |
| Glengariff Group | Oct 19–22 | 600 LV | 51–45 | D +6.0 | +0.2 | 7% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Oct 21–22 | 1,200 LV | 47–46 | D +1.0 | −0.4 | 14% |
| Michigan State University / YouGov | Oct 2–19 | 1,000 A | 44–39 | D +5.0 | +0.1 | 4% |
| Michigan State University / YouGov | Oct 2–19 | 836 LV | 48–44 | D +4.0 | +0.1 | 2% |
| Marist University | Oct 15–18 | 1,185 RV | 52–45 | D +7.0 | +0.9 | 7% |
| Marist University | Oct 15–18 | — | 50–48 | D +2.0 | +0.9 | 2% |
| Rasmussen Reports (R) | Oct 12–14 | 798 LV | 46–44 | D +2.0 | −0.6 | 5% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Oct 9–10 | 1,200 LV | 48–46 | D +2.0 | −0.4 | 3% |
| Wedgewood Polls | Oct 8–9 | 607 LV | 53–47 | D +6.0 | +0.1 | 3% |
| The Tyson Group (R) | Oct 6–8 | 600 LV | 44–46 | R +2.0 | −0.2 | 2% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Oct 5–6 | 762 LV | 51–49 | D +2.0 | −0.4 | 3% |
| YouGov | Sep 22–Oct 4 | 3,949 LV | 49–48 | D +1.0 | +1.5 | 7% |
| Z to A Research (D) | Sep 28–Oct 1 | 483 LV | 49–42 | D +7.0 | — | 2% |
| Mitchell Research & Communications | Oct 1 | 682 LV | 46–41 | D +5.0 | +1.2 | 3% |
| Trafalgar Group (R) | Sep 28–30 | 1,085 LV | 47–45 | D +2.0 | −1.7 | 1% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Sep 24–28 | 1,203 RV | 51–48 | D +3.0 | +1.1 | 3% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Sep 24–28 | 1,028 LV | 50–49 | D +1.0 | +1.1 | 2% |
| The Tyson Group (R) | Sep 24–27 | 600 LV | 44–43 | D +1.0 | −0.2 | <1% |
| Guidant Polling & Strategy | Sep 20–27 | 800 LV | 49–45 | D +4.0 | — | 1% |
| Marist University | Sep 24–27 | 1,235 RV | 51–44 | D +7.0 | +0.9 | <1% |
| Big Data Poll (R) | Sep 22–24 | 725 RV | 44–39 | D +5.0 | −0.3 | <1% |
| Big Data Poll (R) | Sep 22–24 | 678 LV | 46–40 | D +6.0 | −0.3 | <1% |
| co/efficient (R) | Sep 21–23 | 843 LV | 50–50 | Even | −1.0 | <1% |
| GBAO (D) | Sep 19–22 | 800 LV | 48–44 | D +4.0 | −0.3 | <1% |
| New York Times / Siena University | Sep 15–22 | 605 LV | 49–44 | D +5.0 | — | <1% |
| New York Times / Siena University | Sep 15–22 | 600 LV | 49–44 | D +5.0 | — | <1% |
| Cygnal (R)/Beacon Research (D) | Sep 18–21 | 600 LV | 45–40 | D +5.0 | — | <1% |
| Suffolk University | Sep 16–20 | 500 LV | 47–40 | D +7.0 | +1.5 | 1% |
| Torchlight Strategies (R) | Sep 15–19 | 643 LV | 43–44 | R +1.0 | — | <1% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Sep 16–17 | 1,200 LV | 47–45 | D +2.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| The Washington Post / SSPG | Sep 10–14 | 803 LV | 48–45 | D +3.0 | — | <1% |
| Emerson College | Sep 12–14 | 1,000 LV | 48–46 | D +2.0 | +0.9 | 1% |
| Trafalgar Group (R) | Sep 7–9 | 1,079 LV | 46–45 | D +1.0 | −1.7 | <1% |
| SSRS | Aug 31–Sep 6 | 843 LV | 47–44 | D +3.0 | +0.4 | <1% |
| Glengariff Group | Aug 31–Sep 3 | 600 LV | 44–46 | R +2.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | 500 RV | 48–41 | D +7.0 | — | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | 332 LV | 49–45 | D +4.0 | — | <1% |
| Abacus Data | Aug 26–28 | — | 49–45 | D +4.0 | — | <1% |
| EPIC-MRA | Aug 22–28 | 600 LV | 47–43 | D +4.0 | +0.5 | <1% |
| Michigan State University / YouGov | Aug 10–20 | 779 LV | 50–45 | D +5.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Michigan State University / YouGov | Aug 10–20 | 913 RV | 48–44 | D +4.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Susquehanna Polling & Research (R) | Aug 11–17 | 800 LV | 46–39 | D +7.0 | — | <1% |
| Fabrizio Ward (R)/ Impact Research (D) | Aug 9–11 | 877 LV | 48–47 | D +1.0 | — | <1% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Aug 6–10 | 1,006 RV | 47–51 | R +4.0 | +1.1 | <1% |
| GBAO (D) | Aug 6–10 | 800 LV | 50–44 | D +6.0 | −0.3 | <1% |
| TIPP Insights (R) | Aug 6–10 | 1,215 LV | 45–42 | D +3.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| TIPP Insights (R) | Aug 6–10 | 1,528 RV | 43–39 | D +4.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| EPIC-MRA | Jul 24–31 | 600 LV | 43–46 | R +3.0 | +0.5 | <1% |
| SoCal Strategies (R) | Jul 28–30 | 640 LV | 41–42 | R +1.0 | — | <1% |
| Mitchell Research & Communications | Jul 28–29 | 672 LV | 45–45 | Even | +1.2 | <1% |
| Glengariff Group | Jul 22–24 | 600 LV | 39–49 | R +10.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Jun 29–30 | 947 LV | 45–44 | D +1.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| Data for Progress (D) | Jun 15–22 | 709 LV | 47–46 | D +1.0 | +1.6 | <1% |
| Zenith Research (D) | Jun 11–14 | 602 LV | 45–42 | D +3.0 | — | <1% |
| Mitchell Research & Communications | Jun 11–13 | 827 LV | 47–42 | D +5.0 | +1.2 | <1% |
| Tulchin Research (D) | Jun 2–4 | 500 LV | 46–41 | D +5.0 | −0.6 | <1% |
| TIPP Insights (R) | May 20–23 | 1,163 LV | 43–42 | D +1.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| TIPP Insights (R) | May 20–23 | 1,456 RV | 40–40 | Even | −0.4 | <1% |
| Mitchell Research | May 1–7 | 607 LV | 41–42 | R +1.0 | — | <1% |
| Glengariff Group | Apr 28–May 1 | 600 LV | 42–45 | R +3.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Emerson College | Jan 24–25 | 1,000 LV | 43–43 | Even | +0.9 | 0% |
| Glengariff Group | Jan 2–6 | 600 LV | 42–48 | R +6.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
| Mitchell Research & Communications | Nov 18–21 | 616 LV | 38–41 | R +3.0 | +1.2 | 0% |
| Rosetta Stone Communications (R) | Oct 23–25 | 637 LV | 31–45 | R +14.0 | — | 0% |
| Glengariff Group | May 5–8 | 600 RV | 45–47 | R +2.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
How the weights, the blend, and the simulation work is spelled out on the methodology page.