NC · Senate 2026 · Updated Oct 28, 2026, 2:01 a.m. ET
North Carolina
Rated Likely D
Roy Cooper wins this seat in 91 in 100 simulations. Call it clearly favored.
Roy CooperD91 in 100
Michael WhatleyR9 in 100
The race
What this race is about
The numbers on this page come from the model. This section doesn't. It's a short briefing on the contest itself: who is running, what they are arguing about, and where each side's strength lies.
The matchup
An open seat: Sen. Thom Tillis passed on a third term. Democrats landed their best possible recruit in Roy Cooper, a two-term governor and four-term attorney general who has never lost a statewide race in almost 40 years of running. Republicans nominated Michael Whatley, the former RNC chair, after Trump backed him and Lara Trump opted out. Both cleared their fields in the summer of 2025, and the March primaries were formalities.
The issues
Affordability tops voter surveys, and Cooper is running straight at it with a Make Stuff Cost Less tour and his Medicaid expansion record. Whatley's counter is crime and immigration. GOP ads lean hard on the 2025 killing of Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte train, blaming Cooper's years as governor. The framing war is government help on costs against law and order.
Who has the edge, and where
Cooper leads consistently, by 8 to 13 points in most public polling, and nearly every voter in the state already knows him. Whatley's name recognition still trails badly for a first-time candidate. Cooper has also out-raised him about two to one, though Republican outside groups have pledged over $70 million to close the gap. Cook moved the race to Lean Democrat on August 20.
The environment
Trump carried North Carolina three times, so the fundamentals say close. But a popular ex-governor against a party operative who has never held office, in a year favoring Democrats nationally, has so far not been close. Both parties treat this seat as central to Senate control.
Written by hand, not by the model. As of August 27, 2026.
Over time
How the forecast has moved
The margin
How close it lands
Each simulation produces a final margin. The curve shows where those margins fall; the tinted areas on either side of even are the futures each party wins.
Under the hood
What's driving the number
The forecast blends a weighted poll average with a fundamentals model: the state's partisan lean, incumbency, the national environment, and fundraising. Positive points favor the Democratic side of the margin; negative favor the Republican side.
- Partisan leanR +2.7
- IncumbencyEven
- National environmentD +4.7
- FundraisingD +0.8
- Fundamentals sayD +2.7
- The polls sayD +10.6
- Blended forecast marginD +9.4
The blend puts 84 percent of its weight on the polls and 16 percent on the fundamentals; polls take over as more arrive and election day nears.
The field
How other forecasters see this race
Ours isn't the only model on this race. Where another forecaster publishes a number — or we've copied one in by hand from a paywalled model — it appears here beside ours, dated, because models update on their own schedules. Forecasts disagree for knowable reasons: different poll filters, different weights on the fundamentals, different priors.
- Roy Cooper winsThis forecast91 in 100
- Roy Cooper winsRametta & Hare · as of Oct 2793 in 100
No model is "right" before the votes are counted. How our number is made — and how it scored against 2012–2024 races — is on the methodology page.
The markets
What the betting markets say
Prediction markets put a price on this seat too: what people are paying for a contract that pays out if Roy Cooper wins, read as an implied probability. Shown for comparison only. This is not betting advice, and market prices never feed the model.
- Roy Cooper winsThis forecast91 in 100
- Roy Cooper winsKalshi97 in 100
- Roy Cooper winsPolymarket97 in 100
Market prices as of Oct 28, 2026, 2:00 a.m. ET
The evidence
The polls, as the model sees them
Every public poll of this race, with the weight the model gave it in the latest run. Weights reward recency, sample size, and pollster track record; the house adjustment corrects each pollster's habitual lean before averaging.
| Poll | Dates | Sample | D–R | Margin | House adj. | Weight |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Quantus Insights (R) | Oct 24–25 | 702 LV | 54–45 | D +9.0 | −0.4 | 19% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Oct 24–25 | 722 LV | 52–43 | D +9.0 | −0.4 | 10% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Oct 18–20 | 600 LV | 52–42 | D +10.0 | +0.2 | 12% |
| ActiVote | Oct 8–20 | 400 LV | 57–43 | D +14.0 | +0.1 | 7% |
| SurveyUSA | Oct 7–11 | 643 LV | 54–40 | D +14.0 | +1.9 | 11% |
| Trafalgar Group (R) | Oct 8–10 | 1,091 LV | 49–41 | D +8.0 | −1.7 | 4% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Sep 29–Oct 8 | 561 LV | 52–39 | D +13.0 | +0.1 | 4% |
| Change Research (D) | Oct 1–7 | 829 LV | 50–40 | D +10.0 | +0.4 | 5% |
| East Carolina University | Sep 30–Oct 3 | 810 LV | 53–46 | D +7.0 | −0.1 | 4% |
| Big Data Poll | Sep 27–29 | 698 RV | 49–38 | D +11.0 | −0.3 | 2% |
| Big Data Poll | Sep 27–29 | 642 LV | 51–39 | D +12.0 | −0.3 | 1% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Sep 21–22 | 686 LV | 48–43 | D +5.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Sep 18–20 | 608 LV | 49–34 | D +15.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Fabrizio Ward (R)/ Impact Research (D) | Sep 17–20 | 1,806 LV | 53–42 | D +11.0 | — | 2% |
| Opinion Diagnostics | Sep 17–20 | 857 LV | 52–44 | D +8.0 | — | 2% |
| YouGov | Sep 15–18 | 3,511 LV | 54–41 | D +13.0 | +1.5 | 6% |
| YouGov | Sep 15–18 | 3,742 LV | 53–41 | D +12.0 | +1.5 | 3% |
| YouGov | Sep 15–18 | 3,864 RV | 52–41 | D +11.0 | +1.5 | 1% |
| InsiderAdvantage (R) | Sep 16–17 | 1,200 LV | 48–43 | D +5.0 | −0.4 | 2% |
| High Point University | Sep 9–16 | 706 LV | 50–42 | D +8.0 | — | 1% |
| High Point University | Sep 9–16 | 813 RV | 49–39 | D +10.0 | — | <1% |
| Catawba College / YouGov | Sep 4–15 | 885 LV | 48–37 | D +11.0 | — | <1% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Sep 13–15 | 608 LV | 49–34 | D +15.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| The Trafalgar Group (R) | Sep 8–10 | 1,084 LV | 48–42 | D +6.0 | — | <1% |
| East Carolina University | Aug 31–Sep 3 | 675 LV | 52–44 | D +8.0 | −0.1 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Aug 21–31 | 800 A | 39–29 | D +10.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Aug 21–31 | 677 RV | 49–36 | D +13.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Aug 21–31 | 565 LV | 49–38 | D +11.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| High Point University / YouGov | Aug 3–12 | 660 LV | 50–45 | D +5.0 | — | <1% |
| High Point University / YouGov | Aug 3–12 | 800 RV | 48–41 | D +7.0 | — | <1% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Aug 9–10 | 600 LV | 52–39 | D +13.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Change Research (D) | Aug 3–6 | 915 LV | 50–43 | D +7.0 | +0.4 | <1% |
| Change Research (D) | Jul 29–Aug 1 | 967 V | 50–41 | D +9.0 | +0.4 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Jul 23–31 | 800 A | 47–33 | D +14.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Jul 23–31 | 717 RV | 51–35 | D +16.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Elon University / YouGov | Jul 23–31 | 466 LV | 53–42 | D +11.0 | +0.1 | <1% |
| Beacon Research (D)/ Shaw & Co. Research (R) | Jul 23–27 | 1,005 RV | 53–44 | D +9.0 | +1.1 | <1% |
| Public Policy Polling (D) | Jul 10–11 | 759 LV | 48–44 | D +4.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| New York Times / Siena University | Jun 15–27 | 601 LV | 50–43 | D +7.0 | — | <1% |
| Catawba College / YouGov | Jun 1–10 | 905 LV | 48–34 | D +14.0 | — | <1% |
| Harper Polling (R) | May 10–11 | 600 LV | 50–39 | D +11.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Change Research (D) | May 4–8 | 957 LV | 49–42 | D +7.0 | +0.4 | <1% |
| Opinion Diagnostics (R) | Apr 21–24 | 830 V | 50–41 | D +9.0 | — | <1% |
| High Point University / YouGov | Mar 26–Apr 6 | 800 RV | 49–39 | D +10.0 | — | <1% |
| High Point University / YouGov | Mar 26–Apr 6 | 703 LV | 50–42 | D +8.0 | — | <1% |
| Quantus Insights (R) | Mar 31–Apr 1 | 987 LV | 49–44 | D +5.0 | −0.4 | <1% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Mar 22–23 | 600 LV | 49–41 | D +8.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
| Catawba College / YouGov | Mar 9–18 | 1,000 LV | 48–34 | D +14.0 | — | <1% |
| Public Policy Polling (D) | Mar 13–14 | 556 V | 47–44 | D +3.0 | +0.2 | <1% |
| Nexus Strategies/ Strategic Partners Solutions | Mar 8–9 | 800 RV | 50–32 | D +18.0 | — | <1% |
| Change Research (D) | Jan 31–Feb 4 | 1,069 RV | 50–40 | D +10.0 | +0.4 | 0% |
| TIPP Insights (R) | Jan 12–15 | 1,512 RV | 48–24 | D +24.0 | −0.4 | 0% |
| Change Research (D) | Jan 5–7 | 1,105 LV | 47–42 | D +5.0 | +0.4 | 0% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Nov 9–10 | 600 LV | 47–39 | D +8.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Sep 14–15 | 600 RV | 46–42 | D +4.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
| Change Research (D) | Sep 2–8 | 855 LV | 48–41 | D +7.0 | +0.4 | 0% |
| Harper Polling (R) | Aug 11–12 | 600 RV | 47–39 | D +8.0 | +0.2 | 0% |
| Victory Insights (R) | Jul 28–30 | 600 LV | 44–44 | Even | +0.1 | 0% |
| Emerson College | Jul 28–30 | 1,000 RV | 47–41 | D +6.0 | +0.9 | 0% |
How the weights, the blend, and the simulation work is spelled out on the methodology page.